the magna carta是什么_

1.急求篇关于法国大革命的英文essay

2.邱吉尔在二战期间对德宣战演讲稿

3.what were the contents and the significance of the great charter

4.视觉系MIKU是什么团队里的

5.英美概况有关的，急！

6.用英文说端丹麦的历史~~

各奖项提名及获奖艺人如下表，粗体显示为获奖者。 年度歌手年度新人泰勒·斯威夫特 Macklemore与瑞恩·刘易斯 布鲁诺·马尔斯 蕾哈娜 奥斯汀·玛宏 爱莉安娜·格兰德 Florida Georgia Line 梦想之龙乐队 Macklemore与瑞恩·刘易斯 菲利普·菲利普斯 最受欢迎流行/摇滚男歌手最受欢迎流行/摇滚女歌手贾斯汀·汀布莱克 布鲁诺·马尔斯 罗宾·西克 泰勒·斯威夫特 粉红佳人 蕾哈娜 最受欢迎流行/摇滚乐队/组合/团体最受欢迎流行/摇滚专辑单向组合 梦想之龙乐队 Macklemore与瑞恩·刘易斯 《带我回家》 - 单向组合 《红》 – 泰勒·斯威夫特 《完美视界》 – 贾斯汀·汀布莱克 《Word of Mouth》 - 渴望乐队 最受欢迎乡村男歌手最受欢迎乡村女歌手路克·布莱恩 亨特·海耶斯 布雷克·雪尔顿 泰勒·斯威夫特 米兰达·兰伯特 凯莉·安德伍德 最受欢迎乡村乐队/组合/团体最受欢迎乡村专辑战前女神 The Band Perry Florida Georgia Line 《Red》 – 泰勒·斯威夫特 《Crash My Party》 – 路克·布莱恩 《Here's to the Good Times》 – Florida Georgia Line 最受欢迎饶舌/嘻哈歌手最受欢迎饶舌/嘻哈专辑Macklemore与瑞恩·刘易斯 Jay-Z 小韦恩 《The Heist》 – Macklemore与瑞恩·刘易斯 《Magna Carta... Holy Grail》 – Jay-Z 《Good Kid, M.A.A.D City》 – 肯卓克·拉玛 最受欢迎灵魂/节奏布鲁斯男歌手最受欢迎灵魂/节奏布鲁斯女歌手贾斯汀·汀布莱克 马吉尔 罗宾·西克 蕾哈娜 席亚拉 艾莉西亚·凯斯 最受欢迎灵魂/节奏布鲁斯专辑最受欢迎另类艺人《完美视界》 – 贾斯汀·汀布莱克 道歉太难 – 蕾哈娜 《Blurred Lines》 – 罗宾·西克 梦想之龙乐队 The Lumineers 蒙福之子乐队 最受欢迎成人当代艺人最受欢迎拉丁艺人魔力红 布鲁诺·马尔斯 粉红佳人 马克·安东尼 Prince Royce Romeo Santos 最受欢迎当代福音艺人最受欢迎电子舞曲艺人Matthew West 托比麦克 克里斯·汤姆林 艾维奇 傻朋克 卡尔文·哈里斯 Zedd 年度单曲最受欢迎原声大碟《Cruise》 - Florida Georgia Linefeat. 奈利 《Thrift Shop》 - Macklemore与瑞恩·刘易斯 feat. Wanz 《Blurred Lines》 - 罗宾·西克 feat. 法瑞尔·威廉姆斯与T.I. 《完美音调》原声大碟 – 群星 《了不起的盖茨比》原声大碟 – 群星 《悲惨世界》原声大碟 – 群星 偶像标杆特别奖　　蕾哈娜

急求篇关于法国大革命的英文essay

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邱吉尔在二战期间对德宣战演讲稿

（帮你找到了一个专门关于法国大革命的英文网站，里面有12篇分point介绍的论文，个人觉得会有帮助。复制不了全部，进里面看详细的吧）

://chnm.gmu.edu/revolution/searchfr.php?function=find&keyword=&sourceEssay=1&Find=Find

Chapter 1: Social Causes of the Revolution

Pre–Revolutionary France had a social structure that assigned every individual their “rightful” place before God. In actuality, commoners resented the nobility and the poor resented those above them, whether noble or common. Although the Revolution destroyed noble rank, it did not attempt a social leveling. Tension between hes and he–nots festered through the Revolution and beyond. This chapter details these social antagonisms and their political ramifications.

Chapter 2: Monarchy Embattled

From mid–century until the outbreak of the Revolution, the monarchy faced one challenge after another. An attempted assassination of Louis XV in 1757 had, for example, raised questions about monarchical popularity. The philosophes became increasingly critical, and the wives and consorts of the king provided an object of scorn. This chapter details these attacks on the monarchy as well as the royal response.

Chapter 3:The Enlightenment and Human Rights

French revolutionaries, as this chapter shows, drew upon multiple traditions, including such ancient English documents as the Magna Carta, as well more recent influences like the American Revolution. But the French Declaration of Rights and Citizens made human rights even more central than the Americans. As the Revolution unfolded, the French even grled with rights for women, sles, and religious minorities.

Chapter 4: Paris and the Politics of Rebellion

No social group played a more dramatic part in the Revolution than the workers of Paris. This chapter describes their early activities in 1789, including the attack on the Bastille in July and their October march on the palace at Versailles. The narrative of popular action continues through the end of the Terror in 1794. This chapter also details the heroes and enemies of the working people as well as their clubs and other organizations.

Chapter 5: Women and the Revolution

Women, as this chapter explains saw the ideals of the Revolution as promising an improvement in their situation. Some even came to see a chance for real equality with men. But the male revolutionaries in charge generally were not interested in addressing women’s rights, which men argued would undercut needed unity. Although women were eventually driven from the public sphere, they did play a large symbolic role, especially as a symbol for liberty.

Chapter 6: The Monarchy Falls

This chapter chronicles the events that led to the executions by guillotine of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette in 1793. Although neither was popular on the eve of the Revolution, no one could predict their dethroning, much less their demise in such a short time. Louis XVI, in particular, played a double game at first, collaborating with the revolutionaries while simultaneously conspiring with other crowned heads of Europe to reverse matters. But eventually the revolutionaries and the monarch became sworn enemies, leading first to the overthrow of the king in August 1792, his execution in January 1793, and his wife’s beheading in October.

Chapter 7: War, Terror, and Resistance

Complicating the controversy over the monarch in 1792 was the beginning of the war between France and the royal heads of state in Europe. Totally unprepared for war, the French immediately suffered losses; the popularity of the , and indeed of the Revolution, waned. By the summer of 1793, France was increasingly divided between supporters and opponents of the Revolution. This chapter follows the efforts of those who fored continuing the Revolution and their reliance on terror to stay in power. The opposition to their measures only mounted as the war continued into 1794. But eventually the Terrorists would triumph at home and abroad. This victory in August 1794 relieved the country of the need for such stringent regulation and this powerful led by Robespierre fell. Over the next four years, France would be consumed by a continuing battle over the course of the country.

Chapter 8: Slery and the Haitian Revolution

The French Revolution possessed immediate and obvious implications for Haiti, its colony that depended largely on sle labor. If France were to be free, why not the entire world? This chapter details the social conditions before 1789, the debate in France over freeing the sles, and the struggles in Haiti. These last events, faraway in the Caribbean, would upstage the effort of the French to dictate to and control the island. In the end, the Haitians would wrest their freedom from their metropolitan masters.

Chapter 9: The Napoleonic Experience.

Born to a poor though noble family in Corsica, Napoleon had managed to make it to a military academy in France on the eve of the Revolution. The enormous number of noble defections from the military created opportunities for young officers. No one made more of this possibility than did Napoleon who by his late twenties was a general and conqueror of Italy. His military power filled a political vacuum; by 1804 he was emperor of France. Chronicling this meteoric rise, this chapter also takes Napoleon through his domestic policies, his eventual military disaster, and his subsequent exile.

Chapter 10: Legacies of the Revolution

Contemporaries saw the French Revolution as an epochal event, and it has still continued to be understood by many as the marker between the traditional and modern periods. The strong response to the Revolution was immediate and has continued to the present and spread throughout the world. This chapter includes the early Anglo–American response, conservative reaction, and literary reactions. It concludes with a description of how subsequent historians he understood the Revolution.

what were the contents and the significance of the great charter

Iron Curtain Speech

by Winston Churchill, 1946

本文名句： "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent."

President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I he heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we he both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his hey burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has treled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should he full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly ail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may he cherished in my younger days he been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I he no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I he that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

President McCluer, when American military men roach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually hening to millions now and what is going to hen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

Our American military colleagues, after hing proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed ailable resources, always proceed to the next step--namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars--though not, alas, in the interval between them--I cannot dou that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

I he, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to ly it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all he slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily he been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences alling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we he at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police s to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we he not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country he the right, and should he the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which he received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

Though I he now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I he not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no dou that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I he often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.

Now, while still pursing the method--the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I he treled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I he called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Nal and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Ny and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial sings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which he been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever hens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to lee to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I he just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British he also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British he an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which he no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they he "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"--to quote some good words I read here the other day--why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and he to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we he just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I he described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I he a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I dou not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, he been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to oain totalitarian control. Police s are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special fors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.

If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate act

视觉系MIKU是什么团队里的

Charter1215?6?151913122512?1509

英美概况有关的，急！

是an?cafe的

很可爱的小孩

自称小鸡=v=

An?Cafe是日本摇滚乐团，2003年在独立唱片公司Loop?Ash的协助下组建而成，特点为视觉系摇滚中的一种oshare?kei，本乐团已经出版了一些自己独有的专辑。

历史

2003年5月，An?Cafe乐团最初仅由Miku,?Kanon?和?Bou组建而成，随后来自“Feathers-Blue”乐团的Teruki也参加了本乐团。本乐团第一年仅是登台演出，没有自编歌曲。?2004年An?Cafe制作了第一部乐曲，并与Loop?Ash乐团签订合同进行合作。第一部乐曲"Candyholic"三月发行，并在Oricon排行榜（唱片公司独家唱片制作排行榜）中获得第二名。本乐团继续演出并编辑自己的歌曲，第一部专辑Shikisai?Moment2005年发行，随后第二部Magnya?Carta（来自英文Magna?Carta）在2006年发行。?2007年本乐团走出日本在国外第一次出道演出Project?A-Kon，演出之前吉他手Bou已经离开了乐团。2007年4月30日和Bou最后一次组合并录制了DVD光碟Hibiya?On?*The*?o?New?Sekai。Bou离开乐团后，添加了两个成员：Takuya代替Bou做吉他手，另外又添加了Yuuki。形成了新的单曲"Kakusei?Heroism"，随后"Ryuusei?Rocket".?在2007年底An?Cafe第一次出道参加了2008在欧洲举行的比赛。?2008年初An?Cafe发表了他们的新的单曲"Cherry?Saku?Yuuki!!",?4月9日发表新的专辑Gokutama?Rock?Cafe。

An?Cafe乐团长久的支持着有名的日本品牌Sex?Pot?Revenge,为了在此服装上印刷本乐团的宣传图。甚至在本公司的免费杂志V!nyl?Syndicate的封皮上。?2008年歌唱家Miku在杂志Biju上编辑了节目Volume?2?of?Visual?Kei?DVD?Magazine。

An?Cafe'乐团不仅在日本流行，甚至在欧洲，亚洲的韩国、中国、阿根廷、巴西利亚和美国。2008年本乐团在芬兰、瑞典、德国、法国、英国等国家进行了欧洲巡回演出'Live?Cafe?Tour?'08?-?Nyy?go?around?the?world'。在六个国家里举办了十个音乐会，其中五个在德国。在2008年十一月，An?Cafe打算在2009年三四月份在南美加利富尼亚州的三个城市进行巡回演出。本乐团打算在2009年三月将再次去欧洲巡回演出。将在以下国家举办十场晚会：芬兰（2）、瑞典、德国（2）、英国、法国（2）、西班牙、俄罗斯（莫斯科）。

现任成员

Miku?(みく)

*?歌手

*?乐团?An?Cafe:?2003?-

*?名字:?Akiharu?Tsukiyama

*?生日:?年1月5日

*?出生地:?长崎市

*?原乐团:?Reverie?(レヴェリー)

*?身高、体重:?164?厘米,?54?千克

*?吉他

*?乐团An?Cafe:?2007?-

*?名字:

*?生日:?1988年2月9日

*?出生地:?和歌山市

Kanon?(カノン)

*?电贝斯

*?乐团An?Cafe:?2003?-

*?名字:?Shinya?Sano

*?生日:?年7月5日

*?出生地:?千叶市

*?身高、体重:?165厘米

*?合成器

*?乐团An?Cafe:?2007?-

*?名字:

*?生日:?1986年8月29日

*?出生地:?鹿儿岛市

Teruki?(辉喜)

*?爵士鼓

*?乐团An?Cafe:?2003?-

*?名字:?Teruki?Nagata

*?生日:?1981年10月8日

*?出生地:?仙台市

*?原乐团:?Feathers?Blue

离开成员

*?吉他

*?乐团An?Cafe:?2003?-?2007

*?名字:?Kazuhiro?Saitou

*?生日:?1983年9月16日

*?出生地:?东京

发行作品

专辑

名称?日本名称?日期

Amedama?Rock?饴玉ロック?2005年2月23日

Shikisai?Moment?色彩モーメント?2005年11月9日

Magnya?Carta?マグニャカルタ?2006年11月29日

Gokutama?Rock?Cafe?极魂Rock?Cafe?2008年4月9日

Ko?Akuma?Usagi?no?Koibumi?to?Machine?Gun?小悪魔USIの恋文とマシンガン?2008年10月29日

Aroma2009年3月1日

名称?日本名称?日期

O-PU-NGU?(Demotape)?オープ●ング?2003年6月17日

Uzumaki?senshokutai?(Demotape)?ウズマキ染色体/ハツコイ?2003年7月2日

CANDYHOLIC?キャンデーホリック?2004年3月24日

Hatsukoi?ハツコイ?2004年5月29日

√692004年6月6日

Touhikairo?逃避回路?2004年9月16日

'COSMOS?孤妄?2004年11月24日

karakuri?hitei''?カラクリ否定?2005年3月30日

tekesuta?kousen?~kurayami?o?terasu?hikari?wa?houseki?no?youni~?テケスタ光线～暗暗を照らす光は宝石のように～?2005年7月20日

ESCAPISM?~amai?MILK?o?sutta?kohitsuji-chan~?エスカピズム～甘いミルクを吸った子羊ちゃん～?2005年8月24日

MERRYMAKING?~dekoboko?na?mainichi?to,?aikawarazu?na?bokura~?メリメイキング～凸凹な毎日と、あいかわらずな仆ら～?2005年9月21日

10’s?COLLECTION?MARCH?10's?コレクション?マァチ?2006年3月1日

BondS?~kizuna~?BondS?～绊～?2006年5月16日

SMILE?ichiban?ii?onna?スマイル一番?イイ女?2006年9月19日

SNOW?SCENE?スノーシ一ン?2006年10月18日

Kakusei?Heroism?~The?Hero?without?a?"Name"~?覚醒ヒロイズム?～THE?HERO?WITHOUT?A?"NAME"～?2007年8月22日

Ryuusei?Rocket?流星ロケット?2007年11月7日

Cherry?Saku?Yuuki!!?Cherry咲く勇気!!?2008年2月27日

Summer?Dive?SUMMER?DIVE?~kan?toro?PEACH☆BEACH~?2008年8月30日

Koakuma?USI?no?koibumi?to?machine?gun?e.p.?小悪魔USIの恋文とマシンガンe.p.'?2008年10月13日

:?://.ancafe-web 

官方blog:://blog.livedoor.jp/antic_cafe/

官方msn:?.myspace.cn/ancafe?

我今年年初去看了他们london场的live

这边有report你可以看哦

://ayaki666.blog.163/blog/static/78189407200922643255441/edit/

用英文说端丹麦的历史~~

1.

King John's reign caused much discontent among the barons.In 1215,he was forced to sign a document,known as Mangna Carta,or the Great Charter.It has 63 clauses.Though it has long been regarded as the foundation of English liberities,its spirit was the limitation of the king's powers,keeping them within the bounds of the feudal law of the land.

Only the ill-informed can now regard the Great Charter as important because it originally converted into a limited monarchy one which had hitherto been arbitrary and oppressive. Medieval conditions made despotism undesired in theory and impossible in practice in all but a very few exceptional areas (of which certain city states of late medieval Italy were the most important).1 The popular law of the Dark Ages knew nothing of absolute rule nor did the Church countenance it at this time. The ceremony of coronation, if it increased the prestige of kingship, also made allegiance to the ruler conditional on promises of good therein given. These premisses, inevitably short and general, might well seem inadequate when a ruler arose who violated the spirit of compromise that inspired them. Such a one was William Rufus, whose arbitrary and violent conduct may he led to his own sudden death and certainly inspired a discontent which his successor, Henry I, found it desirable to placate by the issue of a special Charter of Liberties. This Charter, significantly, was an amplified version of the premises contained in the coronation oath, and, equally significantly, provided the basis of the Great Charter, when in a much more difficult and complex age there arose another King as unregulated as Rufus. What was new, therefore, about the Great charter was certainly not the theory which lay behind it, but the very elaborate and forthright way in which that theory was given concrete form. For roughly two centuries it became the authoritative expression of the rights of the community against the Crown. As such it was seldom far from men's minds and royal confirmation of it was demanded and secured repeatedly. By the early fifth century many of its provisions had inevitably become antiquated and the mighty problems of the sixth century led men to regard royal authority as much more of a blessing than a curse; under such conditions the Great Charter was of little significance. The famous constitutional struggles of Stuart times saw the beginning of what has been termed "the myth of Magna Carta," when the Charter was re-discovered and rapturously acclaimed as "the most majestic instrument and sacrosanct anchor of English liberties" (Spelman). It is this conception which it falls to the modern historian

to re-assess.

2.

The federal of the United States is the central entity established by the United States Constitution, which shares sovereignty over the United States with the s of the individual U.S. states. The federal has three branches: the legislative, executive, and judicial. Through a system of separation of powers and the system of "checks and balances," each of these branches has some authority to act on its own, some authority to regulate the other two branches, and has some of its own authority, in turn, regulated by the other branches.[1] The policies of the federal he a broad impact on both the domestic and foreign affairs of the United States. In addition, the powers of the federal as a whole are limited by the Constitution, which, per the Tenth Amendment, states that all powers not expressly assigned to the federal are reserved to the states or to the people.

Knowledge of Danish antiquity is derived largely from archaeological research. Some historians believe that Danes inhabiting the southern part of the Scandinian Peninsula migrated to the Jutland Peninsula and the adjacent islands in the Baltic Sea in the 5th and 6th centuries. Evidence of major public structures—including a canal, a long bridge, and the ramparts across the neck of Jutland now called the Danevirke—in the 8th century attests to the presence of a fairly strong central authority in Jutland on the eve of the Viking age. Within a century of their first raid on the British Isles in the 780s, the Danes were masters of the part of England that became known as the Danelaw. Under King Harold Bluetooth in the 10th century, political consolidation increased, and the Christianization of the Danes was begun. Harold’s son, Sweyn I, conquered all of England in 1013 and 1014. Sweyn’s son, Canute II, who ruled England (1016-1035) and Denmark (1018-1035), completed the Christianization of Denmark.

A Expansion and Prosperity

In the late 12th and early 13th centuries, the Danes expanded to the east. They conquered the greater part of the southern coastal areas of the Baltic Sea, establishing a powerful and prosperous realm twice the size of modern Denmark. In this era of expansion, feudalism in Denmark attained its zenith. The kingdom became wealthier and more powerful than it had ever been. Most of the country’s once-free peasantry saw their rights reduced. Marked economic progress was made in this era, principally in the development of the herring-fishing industry and livestock raising. This progress was the basis for the rise of merchants and craftsmen and of a number of guilds.

Growing discord between the Danish crown and the nobility led to a struggle in which the nobility, in 1282, compelled King Eric V to sign a charter, sometimes referred to as the Danish Magna Carta. By the terms of this charter, the Danish crown was made subordinate to law, and the assembly of lords, called the Danehof, was made an integral part of the administrative institutions.

A temporary decline in Danish power after the death of Christopher II in 1332 was followed, in the reign of Waldemar IV, by the reestablishment of Denmark as the leading political power on the Baltic Sea. However, the Hanseatic League, a commercial federation of European cities, controlled trade.

B The Kalmar Union and The Reformation

In 1380 Denmark and Norway were joined in a union under one king, Olaf II, a grandson of Waldemar IV, and with Norway came Iceland and the Faroe Islands. After Olaf’s death in 1387, his mother, Margaret I, reigned in his stead. In 1389 she oained the crown of Sweden and began the struggle, completed successfully in 13, to form the Union of Kalmar, a political union of the three realms. Denmark was the dominant power, but Swedish aristocrats strove repeatedly—and with some success—for Sweden’s autonomy within the union. The Kalmar Union lasted until 1523, when Sweden won its independence in a revolt against the tyrannical Christian II led by Gust Vasa, who was elected king of Sweden as Gust I in that year.

Also in 1523 Christian II was driven from the Danish throne. There followed a period of unrest, as Lübeck, the strongest Hanseatic city, interfered in Danish politics. With help from Sweden’s king, Lübeck’s interference was ended and Christian III consolidated his power as king of Denmark. During his reign (1534-1559) the Reformation triumphed in Denmark, and the Lutheran church was established as the state church. At this time the Danish kings began to treat Norway as a province rather than as a separate kingdom. Commercial and political rivalry with Sweden for domination of the Baltic Sea resulted in the indecisive Nordic Seven Years’ War (1563-1570) and the War of Kalmar (1611-1613) between Sweden and Denmark.

The intervention of Christian IV in the religious struggle in Germany on behalf of the Protestant cause in the 1620s led to Danish participation in the Thirty Years’ War. Continued rivalry with Sweden for primacy in the north led to the Swedish Wars of 1643 to 1645 and 1657 to 1660, in which Denmark was badly defeated and lost several of its Baltic islands and all of its territory on the Scandinian Peninsula except Norway.

C Absolute Monarchy

Economic reverses resulting from these defeats had far-reaching consequences in Denmark. The growing commercial class, hard hit by the loss of foreign markets and trade, joined with the monarchy to curtail the power and privileges of the nobility. In 1660, capitalizing on the nobility’s unpopularity after its poor military performance in the Swedish Wars, Frederick III carried out a coup d’état against the aristocratic Council of the Realm. The monarchy, which until then had been largely dependent for its political power on the aristocracy, was made hereditary, and in 1661 it became absolute. The tax-exemption privileges of the nobility were ended, and nobles were replaced by commoners in the nation’s administrative aratus. Important administrative reforms were also introduced.

In the 18th century Denmark began the colonization of Greenland; Danish trade in East Asia expanded; and trading companies were established in the West Indies, where Denmark acquired several islands. In 1788 constraints on the liberties of the peasants were abolished, and in the following decades an agricultural enclosure movement greatly enhanced the production of foodstuffs.

During the Napoleonic Wars (1799-1815), efforts by England to blockade the European continent led to nal clashes with Denmark. Copenhagen was twice bombarded by British fleets, first in 1801 and again in 1807, and the Danish ny was destroyed. As a result, Denmark was largely cut off from Norway, and the Danish monarch reluctantly sided with Napoleon. By the Peace of Kiel (1814) Denmark ceded Helgoland to the British and Norway to Sweden; in return, Denmark was given Swedish Pomerania, which it later exchanged for Lauenburg, previously held by Prussia.

D Constitutional Monarchy

A growing demand for constitutional in Denmark led to the proclamation of the constitution of 1849. Denmark became a constitutional monarchy, civil liberties were guaranteed, and a bicameral legislature, which was to share legislative power with the Crown, was established. German nationalism in Schleswig and Holstein (see Schleswig-Holstein), both hereditary duchies held by the kings of Denmark, presented the Danes with serious problems in the wake of the Revolution of 1848. The two duchies had long been objects of dispute between Danish kings and German monarchs. With diplomatic aid from Russia, Denmark had prevailed in a first test of strength in mid-century, but in 1864 Prussia and Austria went to war with the Danes to prevent incorporation of Schleswig into Denmark’s territory and constitutional structure. The Danes were defeated and lost possession of the two duchies and of other territory.

In 1866 the Danish constitution was revised, making the upper chamber (Landsting) more powerful than the lower house (Folketinget). During the last decades of the 19th century, commerce, industry, and finance flourished; dairy farming and the cooperative movement were much expanded; and the working class grew in numbers. After 1880 the newly organized Social Democratic party played a major role in the Danish labor movement and in the struggle for a democratic constitution. The principle of parliamentary was recognized in 1901, ending a long political deadlock between the Crown and the Landsting on one side and the Folketinget, on the other side.

E Modern Denmark

The country was neutral during World War I (1914-1918). In 1917 Denmark sold the Virgin Islands, in the West Indies, to the United States. Constitutional reforms enacted in 1915 established many of the basic features of the present al system. Universal suffrage went into effect in 1918. The same year Denmark recognized the independence of Iceland, but continued to exercise pro forma control of the foreign policy of the new state, and the Danish king remained Iceland’s head of state. In 1920 North Schleswig was incorporated into Denmark as a result of a plebiscite carried out in accordance with the terms of the Treaty of Versailles; the southern part of Schleswig had voted to remain in Germany.

In May 1939 Denmark signed a ten-year nonaggression pact with Nazi Germany. In April 1940 Germany invaded and occupied Denmark, although the Danish was able to maintain much control over its legal and domestic affairs until 1943. The Danish police helped Denmark’s 6,000 Jews to escape safely to neutral Sweden on the eve of their arrest and deportation. Britain occupied the Faroes, and in 1941 the United States established a temporary protectorate over Greenland, building various weather stations and air bases on the island. In 1944 Iceland, following a national referendum, severed all ties with Denmark and proclaimed itself a republic.

After World War II Denmark joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 1949. Subsequently it has become a member of other international organizations including the European Free Trade Association (1959) and the European Economic Community (12).

In 1953 Denmark adopted a revised constitution. The constitution created a unicameral parliament, permitted female accession to the throne, and included Greenland as an integral part of Denmark. Greenland was granted home rule in 19.

Four decades of dominance by the Social Democratic party ended with the 1968 elections. Hilmar Baunsgaard, leader of the Radical Liberal party, formed a coalition that lasted until 11, when Jens Otto Krag, a former Social Democratic prime minister, retained office. King Frederick IX died in 12 and was succeeded by his daughter, Margrethe II. Later that year Krag resigned and was replaced as prime minister and party leader by Anker J?rgensen. The Social Democrats suffered losses in the elections of late 13, and Poul Hartling, a Liberal, formed a minority cabinet. Following elections in early 15, however, J?rgensen returned to power, also at the head of a minority . He retained his leadership until September 1982, when Poul Schlüter, a Conservative, was named to head a right-of-center coalition. Elections in January increased the plurality of the coalition, which retained power in the elections of September 1987, May 1988, and December 1990. In 1985 the Folketinget passed legislation against future construction of nuclear power plants in the country, and the agreed to help establish a Nordic nuclear-free zone. Disputes in the Danish over NATO-related policies damaged Denmark’s relationship with the organization, but good relations were largely restored by 1988. Destruction of lobster colonies in the strait between Denmark and Sweden in 1988 and other ecological disasters resulted in the passage of rigorous environmental protection measures by the Folketinget.

In the wake of a scandal concerning immigration visas, Prime Minister Schlüter resigned in January 1993. A new majority coalition was formed, with Social Democrat Poul Nyrup Rasmussen as prime minister. In 1992 Danish voters narrowly rejected the Maastricht Treaty, which provided for increased political and monetary integration within the European Community (now the European Union). After modifications to the pact that promised exemptions from certain standards for Denmark, the Danes voted their roval in May 1993. In elections held in September 1994, the coalition headed by Rasmussen retained power, but it lost its majority in the Folketinget. After shuffling his coalition slightly, Rasmussen was returned to office once again in 1998 with a thin majority.

The center-right Liberal Party emerged as Denmark’s largest political party in the November 2001 elections. A minority coalition composed of the Liberal Party and the Conservative People’s Party replaced the Social Democrat-led , and Liberal Party leader Anders Fogh Rasmussen was named prime minister. The far right, anti-immigration Danish People’s Party, which became the third-largest party in the Folketinget, pledged to support the Liberal-Conservative coalition. The Liberal Party campaigned on a platform that included promises to tighten immigration, reduce foreign aid, and improve health care.